Upon Germany crossing the interventionist
Rubicon, many in the country and without wondered what was next for the war
haunted country. What came next over the start of the 21st
century can be described for the most part as careful pragmatism.
While keeping a constant dialogue active with the United States (US) via their
mutual membership of NATO, Germany also became heavily involved in the
construction of European Union (EU) Foreign Policy. Now aware of its
capacity to project military power abroad for good causes, Germany picked
further intervention opportunities carefully. Chancellor Gerhard
Schroeder wholeheartedly gave his support to the US in the wake of the 9/11
terrorist attacks, recognising the US’s right to retaliate in order to defend
itself in accordance with the NATO charter. To this end the German Government
committed one of the largest contingents of troops to the International
Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Recognising the
importance of protecting international shipping routes Germany also contributed
military forces to the NATO anti-piracy task force off the coast of
Somalia. However the German Government was one of the loudest opposing
voices to the 2003 Iraq War. In the case of the Libyan Civil War the
German Government abstained on voting on a UN Security Council Resolution
authorising a No Fly Zone. While they did not contribute to the NATO
mission in Libya they spoke out against Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s
But events may hasten the creation of a more
assertive German Foreign Policy. The
rise of IS (Islamic State) in Iraq recently pushed Germany to send arms to the
Kurdish militia the Peshmerga, a highly rare and interventionist move. At the
same time Russia's call to protect the rights of Russian minority groups in the
east of Europe presents a potential powder keg on Germany's doorstep. Chancellor Angela Merkel has taken a firm
diplomatic line against alleged Russian interference in the ongoing civil war
in the Ukraine. These events have run
alongside open calls by members of the German Government including President
Joachim Gauck and Defence Minister Ursuala Von Der Leyen for a bolder Foreign
Policy. German diplomatic deterrence
does not seem to have proved enough to deter Russian adventurism, this begs the
question of whether military deterrence may follow.
If Germany does become more interventionist it
will have to do so cautiously, due to public opinion being wary of being
involved in foreign conflicts. To this
end the objectives of a new foreign policy doctrine will have to be clearly
stated. This author for one is strongly
in favour of a more assertive German Foreign Policy. Cuts in defence budgets throughout Europe has
created a power gap. This has been
exacerbated by the US's turning it's security focus to the Asian Pacific
region. Long before this the US has been
calling for European countries to take up more of the security burden for the
region.
A decision may have to be made about the future
of German Foreign Policy soon, since the Ukraine Crisis has brought instability
back to the region. Germany's eastern
allies are calling for NATO support against possible Russian interference. Poland the most prominent of these voices is
calling for 10,000 US troops to help deter possible Russian incursions. If these do not materialise they may settle
for a NATO ally like Germany. If Germany
answers the call to help, perhaps the Polish will greet the arrival of German
soldiers with a smile in contrast to 75 years this September.
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